Licencja
Wiedeń czy Peszt? Viliama Pauliniego-Tótha odpowiedź na rzekomy dylemat słowacki
Abstrakt (EN)
Descriptions of the Slovak nation-forming processes predominantly contain an ascertainment that Slovak intellectual and political elites explicitly differentiated after 1867, if not conflicted about which path of the national emancipation to choose. As a matter of fact, pluralism of views on national matters in Slovakia was noticed even earlier; at the beginning of the sixties though. In the 19th century it became more prominent and it had a stronger influence on the public opinion. This, in turn, was combined with an increasing political nature of the national movement and more advanced forms of its institutionalization. The article deconstructs one of the key historical and graphical stereotypes used for description of ideological and political ruptures among the Slovaks in the second half of the 19th century. Using a figure of scission into political followers of Vienna and Pest (or designata of conservative and liberal wing or Old Slovak School and New Slovak School), the stereotype assumes retention of the political dilemma the Slovaks had about election of hegemon after creation of Austria-Hungary. Based on analysis of Viliam Pauliny-Tóth’s journalistic statement Viedeň či Pešť? (published in “Národné noviny” newspaper dated on 12 September 1871 in Martin) and on analysis of his political stance combined with his personal lifestyle, the article proves the dilemma of choice between Vienna and Pest is in fact ostensible, if not fake. From the very moment when the dualistic character of the country is established it assumes only a rhetorical dimension. Only as a discursive rhetorical figure (and not a reflection of the actual demeanors and choices) can it serve as a characteristic peephole, narrative knot allowing for reconstruction of political polemics. However, it does not set any model of its description that would be satisfying in the light of today’s state of knowledge. Conclusions drawn based on observation of Pauliny-Tóth’s political stance allow to question the requirement to discuss a dilemma of this type in relation to political strategies of the Slovak elites after 1867. At the same time, the way Pauliny-Tóth escapes this dilemma and symbolically overrules it, allows to “peek” the route of a symbolic leap through peripheral and local Slovak culture politically subordinated to the idea of universalist country.